e02_twnews_title邁向21世紀的台灣
Toward a new 21st century Taiwan

張炎憲/Chang Yen-hsien
2002-01-07


e02_20020107_0107the Aborigines’ themselves ought to be nurtured so as to enable them
to hold their own cultural traditions in esteem and be proud of being Taiwan’s original peoples.


  2000年的總統大選,國民黨終於下臺,結束了長達半世紀的統治。民進黨代之而起,贏得選舉,取得首次執政的機會。這是台灣史上空前的創舉,不只在政治上政黨輪替,開啟民主新頁,在歷史文化上更是標示著新時代的開始,台灣人漸漸走出歷史悲情,而有信心當家做主,建設自己的國家。但政黨輪替僅是一個歷史發展的契機,長久以來,憲政體制為獨裁政權所箝制利用,教育與社會文化亦籠罩在一股大中國意識的氛圍之中,使台灣在民主建國的道路上,面臨內部意識的重整、國家建構和主權獨立等種種問題。本週台灣歷史之窗特別邀請國史館館長張炎憲執筆,探討在這個歷史的轉折點上,台灣人應有的歷史認知,以及邁向未來種種困難險阻時,所應擁有的理想與自信。

  As the consequence of Taiwan’s 2000 presidential election, the Kuomintang political party was obliged to finally relinquish power after nearly half century of rule, and the victorious Democratic Progressive Party won its first chance to prove its worthiness as Taiwan’s ruling party. This constitutes an unparalleled creative turning point in Taiwan’s history since, more than being a matter of change of ruling parties and opening of a new chapter in the development of democracy, it marks the beginning of a brand new historical and cultural era, in which the Taiwan people will gradually leave behind there historical legacy of sorrow and with new confidence become their own masters and form a nation of their own making. The transition of ruling parties, however, only offers an opportune moment for historical development. Heretofore, the country’s constitutional system has long been manipulated by an autocratic regime as a tool of repression, and education and social culture has been enveloped in a miasma of “Big China" consciousness posing a variety of difficulties on its road to creation of a democratic nation with respect to adjustment of its internal social consciousness, structuring of its polity, and its sovereign, independent status. For this week’s Window on Taiwan, the Taiwan News has invited Chang Yen-hsien, Curator of the National Museum of History, to examine the recognition of historical facts with which the people of Taiwan must be equipped at this momentous turning point in its historical development as well as the ideals and confidence they must possess as they move forward and grapple with all manner of difficulties and dangers.


 外來政權壓迫下宿命的民族性格

  台灣自有歷史記載以來,台灣人一直活在外來政權的統治下,任憑支配,如有反抗,常遭無情的鎮壓,重則槍決,抄家滅族;輕則服刑,成為黑名單,在社會上無法立足。反抗雖有理,但遭受的命運卻是生命財產的喪失。台灣人見到血淋淋的教訓,體會出政治的無情、世間的冷竣,心中自然充滿灰色無助,不敢再挺身而起,為社會正義說公道話,久而久之,乃成為社會風氣,自掃門前雪,不理瓦上霜。沉潛含蘊有足,勇氣承擔則不足。在文學作品和音樂創作上充分顯示這樣的氣質,使人閱讀、聆聽,不禁悲從中來。

Taiwanese fatalism under the oppression of alien rule

  Throughout nearly all of Taiwan’s recorded history, its people have constantly lived under the domination of alien powers. Expressions of opposition have met with brutal suppression, the more severe expressions of which have been executions and even extinguishing of entire family and clan lineages, more lenient expressions being imprisonment and blacklisting, rendering victims unable to establish themselves as viable members of society. Despite the reasonableness of their opposition, the fate of protesters has been loss of life or material well-being. Having learned such bloody lessons and having felt the cruelty of politics and the heartlessness of the world over a protracted period of time, the people of Taiwan have understandably come to have a pervasive society-wide sense of pessimism and helplessness, daring not to stand upright, move bravely forward, and speak out for social justice, opting instead to mind their personal businesses and let the world go its way. They have become strong in forbearance but weak in taking bold action. This character of Taiwan’s people is clearly reflected in the deep sorrow evoked by much of their literature and musical works.


  歷史無奈的宿命感幾乎已經成為台灣人自我解嘲的金科玉律,抗議時指責執政黨的錯誤,苟且時則推拖於恐怖的無奈,一切責任不在我,而是國民黨。這種逃避心態阻礙台灣人面對現實、決定自己命運的勇氣。

  This sense of fatalism nurtured by impotence in the face of historical developments until recently had nearly become the Taiwan people’s golden rule rationalization of their inadequacies. When they have voiced their dissatisfactions, it has been only to put the blame for troubles on the ruling party; and when they have behave in unprincipled ways, they have placed the blame on the years of terror which they have had to undergo — “It’s not my fault but that of the Kuomintang (KMT)." This escapist mentality has become a stumbling block in the Taiwan people’s search for the courage to face reality and become masters of their own destiny.


 政黨輪替--歷史轉折的契機

  在這種無奈中,雖然有人起來反抗國民黨的不公不義,但總是少數。台灣人期待著改朝換代,國民黨能下臺,卻沒有人敢奢望國民黨會真的下台。因此,2000年大選的意義特別重大,它改變了過去不可能的任務,國民黨真的下臺了,台灣本土政黨上台了。悲情的歷史宿命有了轉捩點,反抗是有可能改變歷史的,台灣人過去的歷史也因此需要重新詮釋、重新認識。

Transition of ruling parties: a historic opportunity

  Given this mindset of resignation, although there have indeed been those who have dared to stand up and resist the injustices of the former KMT regime, they have until recent times always constituted the minority. While the Taiwan people have wished for a change of governors and looked forward to the KMT’s removal from power, very few had faith in the possibility of actually realizing such aspirations. The 2000 presidential election, therefore, was particularly momentous, for it changed that sense of “mission impossible:" the KMT did in fact lose its leadership position to be supplanted by a home-grown political party. Now that their sorrowful historical fatalism has thus come to a turning point, and events have demonstrated that positive opposition can indeed change history, there is a need for a reappraisal and new understanding of the Taiwan people’s past history.


 「本土化」的真實意涵

  2000年的政黨輪替,落實了李登輝時代所標榜的「本土化」和「民主化」。民主運動過去被國民黨政府視同叛亂而加以壓制,而今卻重新受到肯定與重視;民主化過程中的人物和事蹟成為台灣歷史的一部份,接受批評和詮釋。因為這關鍵性的轉變,台灣史乃趨向多元,趨向以人民為主的觀點,這是歷史的重新洗牌,也是被壓抑者翻身的機會。在台灣,「本土化」本是理所當然的事,但長期以來被污名化,被認為是狹隘、排他、反中國的主張。其實在台灣若沒有本土性格,才是令人匪夷所思。

The genuine meaning of “nativisation"

  The 2000 transition of ruling parties was a concrete realization of the ideals of “nativisation" and “democratization" espoused by [ex-President] Lee Teng-hui. The democracy movement, equated by the former KMT regime as rebellion which had to be suppressed, has now won positive affirmation and has been recognized as an imperative; and democracy movement activists and their actions have now become formal history, subject to critical analysis and evaluation. As the consequence of this momentous change of affairs, Taiwan history is now developing in the direction of greater pluralism and the concept of the people as rulers — a dramatic reshuffling of the deck of history and a chance for the once oppressed to arise. “Nativisation" by rights ought to be a matter-of-fact thing in Taiwan yet for a long time has been vilified, characterized as advocacy of a narrow, rejectionist, anti-China mentality; whereas in fact, what would truly be bizarre is a Taiwan without its own defining character.


  「本土化」含有建設自己特色的意涵。外來統治者通常會強勢導入外來文化,漠視排斥台灣文化。因此,本土化應具有重新發掘台灣文化特色、重新建構歷史傳承,落實台灣人夢想與追求的意涵。

  The essential meaning of “nativisation" is the establishment of one’s own homeland’s unique characteristics. Therefore, nativisation should be understood as development of Taiwan’s cultural identity, reconstruction of its historical lineage, and realization of the dreams and aspirations of its people.


  台灣人最大的願望其實是建設自己的家園成為安身立命之處,不用再漂泊、再恐懼;並形塑自己的國家,成為國家真正的主人,休戚與共,安全安心,不再受外來統治者的支配鎮壓。

  In truth, the fondest hope of the Taiwan people is to build their homeland into a place where they can live in spiritual and physical peace and security, no longer having to live in uncertainty and terror; to form a nation of their own choosing, in which they are truly their own masters and everyone is animated by a desire to devote themselves to the commonweal.


 獨立主張的萌芽與成長

  日治時代,台灣人受到近代思潮的洗禮,展開左右翼的政治社會變動,提出自立、自決和獨立的主張,雖然被日本壓抑而無法伸張,但其精神延續至國民黨統治時代,經228事件的慘痛教訓,轉化成為台灣獨立建國的力量,衝撞台灣社會。這股力量雖被國民黨刻意壓制,卻日益壯大,受到民眾的支持,而成為改變台灣的主要動力。一九八○年代中葉之後,台灣民主化和本土化的快速成長即是這股力量衝擊台灣,崩解國民黨統治神話所造成。至今,它仍是改變台灣、形塑台灣的最大力量。

The sprouting and maturation of Taiwan independence advocacy

  During the Japanese colonial era, the Taiwan people underwent a baptism of modern [Western] thought, giving rise to a polarization of progressive vs. conservative forces in politics and society. Although advocacy of self-sufficiency, self-determination and independence met with suppression by Japan and could not develop widely in the society, its spirit nevertheless survived into and throughout the period of KMT rule and, in the wake of the painful lesson of the February 28 Incident, manifested a society-jolting energy encouraging the building of an independent Taiwan nation. Despite the KMT’s swift action aimed at suppressing that spirit, it steadily grew in strength nonetheless, winning the support of the people and becoming the primary motive force animating Taiwan society. The fast-pace growth of Taiwan democratization and nativisation which occurred in the mid-to-late 1980s is the product of that spiritual force’s shaking-up of Taiwan society and its disintegration of the myth of the [legitimacy of] KMT rule — a spirit which lives on even now as the greatest force driving the transformation and reformation of Taiwan.


  至2000年,台灣已完成階段性的任務,政黨輪替、社會開放多元、言論思想自由,經濟生活富裕,但國家認同意識尚未整合、國家定位仍然曖昧不清,困擾台灣人的心靈。因此,20世紀未完成的國家建構,將繼續於21世紀發揮其威力,成為主要的運動目標和議題。

  As of 2000, Taiwan had completed a number of partial missions — the transition of ruling parties, creation of an open and pluralistic society, securing the freedoms of speech and press, and building economic prosperity — but the failure thus far to coalesce a firm sense of national identity, and the vagueness and uncertainty of Taiwan’s international status, still trouble the spirit of its people. Hence, the as yet incomplete mission of nation-building left over from the 20th century will continue to exert its animating force in the 21st century, constituting the society’s prime objective and social issue.


 教育改革--教出愛台灣的孩子

  在國家形構的目標下,台灣教育需要通盤考慮和修改。教育的立足點應該從台灣出發,擴及於世界,將台灣歷史的特質、文化的優美介紹給台灣子弟,並且吸收世界新知,容納入台灣文化之中,再創新文化。以此作為教科書編定的標準和教育內容,所教育出來的學生才會有台灣感情,愛惜台灣,為台灣而努力。

Educational reform: nurturing love of Taiwan in children

  Given that goal of giving form to a Taiwan nation, education in Taiwan must undergo comprehensive reconsideration and revision. Education in Taiwan ought to take Taiwan as its point of departure, gradually expanding in scope to encompass the whole world. It should introduce to Taiwan’s new generation the distinguishing characteristics of its particular history and the outstanding beauty of its culture, in addition to which it should enable them to absorb new knowledge from the rest of the world, incorporate it into Taiwan culture, and generate new culture. Only if this is taken as the standard for editing textbooks and becomes the actual content of education will the young people produced by the educational process have affection for Taiwan, treasure Taiwan, and work hard for Taiwan.


  教育內容的改變,才是教改最重要的精神。教育改革之後,思維方式才會改變,從台灣思考世界是建立台灣主體性的基礎。以台灣做為思考主體之後,看到台灣一草一木,自然會生出維護大自然生態,保護乾淨國土的感情。有如此念頭,就不會破壞土地,反而會珍惜它,讓美麗山河永遠保存。

  It is with respect to transformation of educational content wherein resides the primary spirit of education. Only as the result of educational reform can ways of thinking change, contemplation of the world from the vantage point of Taiwan being the foundation of Taiwan identity. Once Taiwan has become as the prime reference point for thought, Taiwan’s every blade of grass and every tree seen in that light will naturally evoke a heart-felt will to preserve Taiwan’s ecology and protect it’s environmental cleanliness. With such intent, people cannot bear to damage the land but on the contrary will cherish it, enabling its beautiful natural environment to be eternally preserved for posterity.


  對土地關懷,自然會對人產生關懷。原住民文化需受到尊重之外,應該培養原住民,讓原住民尊重自己的文化傳統,讓他們以身為原住民為榮,並且重新檢視台灣歷史,去除漢人沙文主義,以平等的史觀重新改寫台灣史。不只重視原住民的權益,弱勢族群、性別問題也都應平等相待。台灣人民由不同地區、不同時代,分批移至台灣。各種不同族群的歷史經驗都應融入台灣歷史之中,成為台灣人民共同的歷史文化資產。如此,228事件的傷痕、族群的衝突、階級的差異,都可在相互體諒、瞭解對方心情之下,共享成果,而逐漸打開心結;在珍惜台灣歷史文化遺產的共識下,愛惜台灣。

  When one cares for the land, one naturally cares for its people. Besides the need for Taiwan’s aboriginal cultures to receive respect, the Aborigines’ themselves ought to be nurtured so as to enable them to hold their own cultural traditions in esteem and be proud of being Taiwan’s original peoples. Further, we must reexamine Taiwan’s [recorded] history and expunge from it its Han-chauvinist slant, rewriting it from an equalitarian historical perspective which not only respects the rights and interests of its aboriginal peoples but gives equal attention to other minority groups and to problems relating to sexual equality. Taiwan’s [Han] people immigrated here in waves from different regions and in different eras, and the historical experiences of every group ought to be incorporated into Taiwan history and become the shared historical, cultural heritage of all Taiwan’s people. In this way, through reexamination of the scars left by the February 28 Incident, clashes between various groups and class consciousness in a new spirit of mutual forgiveness and understanding of each other’s sentiments, we will be enabled to develop a shared sense of accomplishment, gradually easing the aches in our hearts, and, with a common consciousness which cherishes Taiwan’s historical and cultural legacy, empowered to show our love for Taiwan.


憲政改革與統獨意識之爭

  除文化意識的整合之外,適合台灣的憲改結構,建立小而美、效率高、服務民眾的政府,也是應努力的方向。一九九○年代已進行六次修憲,仍然與現實、理想有所差距。因此,制訂符合台灣的憲法已是迫不及待的問題。這雖會引起國家認同的爭論,但如果不朝這方面改革,如何面對未來,迎向國際社會的挑戰。

Constitutional reform and the clash between unificationist and independence mentalities

  In addition to adjustment of cultural consciousness, revision of our Constitution to fit Taiwan’s needs, and building of a government predicated upon the principles of “small is beautiful," a high degree of efficiency and service to the people are also directions in which we must labor mightily. Although the Constitution was amended 6 times during the 1990s, there remain significant disparities between the Constitution on the one hand and practical reality and ideals on the other. Thus, establishment of a Constitution which conforms with Taiwan has become a matter of urgent importance. Although this will provoke debate over the question of national identity, if we fail to carry out reformation in this respect, how shall we be able to meet the future and face challenges in the international arena?


  內部問題才是台灣最主要的問題。國民黨長期執政,宣導大中國主義,使得台灣本土精神無法顯現,造成意識論爭,甚至以此作為政治利益的交換和考量,危害台灣的生存空間。解決這些問題會造成對立,但不忍受陣痛帶來的不安,則無法解決根本問題。由此問題,自然引伸至台灣與中國之間的問題,被統一和獨立建國成為台灣未來發展必須面對的問題,也是規劃未來藍圖時最具影響的思考架構。

  It is Taiwan’s internal problems which are after all most critical. The KMT’s long years of rule and propagandizing of a Big China identity made it impossible for a native Taiwan spirit to shine forth, creating discord with respect to social consciousness — a discord which has even been manipulated by some as a basis for interchange and considerations regarding political interest, thereby compromising possibilities for Taiwan’s continued existence. Although solutions to this problem will engender contention, resigned forbearance of an uneasiness rooted in psychic pain can be of no benefit in resolving fundamental problems. Of course, the scope of the problem encompasses the relationship between Taiwan and China, and question of whether we are to be absorbed as a part of China or to build an independent nation is one which the Taiwan’s future development must confront, in addition to its being the most influential frame of considerations in drawing up a blueprint for our future.


 建立台灣國家,跨入國際社會

  從內部變革、國家形象的凸顯,反應在外交上,則強調台灣主權獨立概念,重新加入聯合國,回歸國際社會,以平等互惠的立場建構台灣與中國的關係。這些問題也許一時無法解決,但台灣生命共同體意識的深化和普遍化、台灣國家尊嚴的建立,將是21世紀台灣人民永不止息的追求。

Building a Taiwan nation; assuming our place in the international community

  Internal reform and cultivation of a distinct national identity will be reflected in our foreign relations, emphasizing the principle of Taiwan’s independent status, readmittance of Taiwan into the United Nations, assumption of Taiwan’s rightful place in the international community, and establishment of Taiwan-China relations on a foundation of equality and mutual benefit. While these problems may not be resolvable in the immediate future, the deepening and broadening of consciousness of our shared destiny as one people and the nurturing of esteem for Taiwan as a nation will be the objective tirelessly pursued by the people of Taiwan in this 21st century.


  21世紀的台灣將面臨內部意識重整、國家建構和主權獨立的問題。朝向新國家的建立,不只是百年來台灣人民的願望和追求,更是改變歷史發展的動力。在此形塑力量之下,會有爭吵、不安,但也會帶來活力和傲人的台灣國家形成典範,做為世人學習模仿敬佩的對象。

  The Taiwan of the 21st century will indeed be confronted by challenges relating to consciousness adjustment, nation building, sovereignty and independence. Nevertheless, striving toward the establishment of a new nation constitutes not only the aspiration and objective of Taiwan’s people over the past century but the ongoing driving force behind its historical evolution. Although under the influence of this formative power, there must inevitably arise discord and uneasiness, our evolutionary process will nonetheless serve as a shining example of a vigorous and proud nation worthy of the world’s emulation and esteem.


 Compiled and edited by Tina Lee/Translated by James Decker
(李美儀編輯/曹篤明翻譯)